On May 17, 2014, at 11:57 AM, Jehan Tremback
<jehan.tremback(a)gmail.com> wrote:
Yea municipal government tends to be deathly boring.
Forcing people into the suburbs is bad for those people, and bad for the environment. If
you're anti urban development, you're pro-freeway.
On Sat, May 17, 2014 at 11:47 AM, Romy Snowyla
<romy(a)snowyla.com> wrote:
Just obfuscated and difficult to understand by the general public
Sent from my iPhone
> On May 17, 2014, at 11:44 AM, Jehan Tremback <jehan.tremback(a)gmail.com> wrote:
>
> Romy, I'm pretty sure that all official municipal development plans have always
been public.
>
>
>> On Sat, May 17, 2014 at 11:37 AM, Romy Snowyla <romy(a)snowyla.com> wrote:
>> It's interesting how you're all so quick to attack the article especially
when it makes a couple of good points.
>>
>> Not all of it is valid but it provides a needed transparency ..
>>
>> Sent from my iPhone
>>
>>> On May 17, 2014, at 10:48 AM, Jehan Tremback <jehan.tremback(a)gmail.com>
wrote:
>>>
>>
>>> Suburban living is the solution to population increase? Explain?
>>>
>>>
>>>> On Sat, May 17, 2014 at 10:45 AM, Romy Snowyla <romy(a)snowyla.com>
wrote:
>>>> I don't see anything wrong with Indy media although I don't agree
with everything they say. They aren't driving rent up though so don't place all
the blame on rent control. Any new real estate development will provide relatively few
affordable units for shrine class people
>>>>
>>>> My main motivation for passing the email along was just so everything is
clear and not obfuscated . The master plans in sf that have transformed the mission like
Godzilla were never very clear to the public
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> I don't understand the need to disparage calendar apps or apps in
general. Many innovations are through things like process or paper checklists instead of
3D printers and drones. Being dismissive of those innovations is illogical
>>>>
>>>> Sent from my iPhone
>>>>
>>>>> On May 17, 2014, at 9:30 AM, Sonja Trauss
<sonja.trauss(a)gmail.com> wrote:
>>>>>
>>>>> This is an Orwellian notion of anti-displacement.
>>>>>
>>>>> In the face of increased population these people seek to build
nothing new. I really can't understand what they think is going to happen when the
population goes up but the housing stock doesn't.
>>>>>
>>>>> Sf tried that! Look what's happening there! It sucks!
>>>>>
>>>>> This is the saddest thing to me because all efforts like this do, is
make building more expensive and difficult. That means the only things that get built are
at higher price points. Or, if they're slightly successful, whole projects are
blocked, and they miss the opportunity to get capital to build something useful, instead
of something stupid like a new calendaring app.
>>>>>
>>>>>> On Friday, May 16, 2014, Romy Snowyla <romy(a)snowyla.com>
wrote:
>>>>>>
>>>>>>
http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2014/04/18/18754399.php
>>>>>>
>>>>>> WOSP – City of Oakland’s Plan for Gentrification: A Target For
Anti-Displacement Activity : Indybay
>>>>>>
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Advertisement for Public Release of WOSP in Feb. 2014
>>>>>>
>>>>>> March 29, 2014
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Snapshot of the State and Capital in the Bay Area
>>>>>>
>>>>>> If the Bay Area’s economy was compared to every other national
economy in the world, it would be the 19th largest. The Bay has the highest GDP per capita
in the entire United States, and even outpaces London and Singapore. It captures 40% of
the entire flow of venture capital in the US (p11), which constitutes a higher amount of
capital than that captured during the
dot.com boom. While the Bay accounts for only 2.4%
of the total jobs in the US, it has 12% of the computer & electronics manufacturing,
10.3% of software development, and 8.3% of internet related jobs (p13.) Seven of the top
10 social media companies are here – Google, Facebook, Yahoo, Twitter, Linkedin, Zynga,
and Yelp. In short, the Bay is home to one of the highest concentrations of capital in the
world and mapping out the composition of capital is key for us to situate ourselves as we
continue to engage in class combat. (Footnote #1)
>>>>>>
>>>>>> The regional state is well aware of its place within the world
economy. Over the past years, city politicians from the greater Bay Area have come
together to generate a 30 year strategy about how to restructure the region’s housing,
employment, and transportation structures. Plan Bay Area (PBA) was developed by the
Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG) to carry out the tasks of determining how the
state can support and facilitate the accumulation of capital throughout the region. In
order to grease the wheels of the local capitalist economy, the PBA aims to redevelop
housing and transit throughout the Bay; New units are set to be built, new transportation
“hubs” developed, and both of these projects are to be coordinated across single cities
and the bay area as a whole.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> PBA aims to align the various metropolitan areas of the Bay in
their development of housing to match projected increases in employment. Internet,
computer and electronics manufacturing, along with professional, scientific and technical
services are accounting for some of the largest contributors to job creation here. PBA
states that between early 2011 and late 2013 the Bay Area added more than 200,000 jobs, an
increase of 7.5 percent that is well above the state’s average of 4.5%. PBA is projecting
that this area will continue to outpace the rest of California and the US in its share of
job growth due to the heavy concentration of tech related industries which forms part of
the economic base of Bay Area political economy. (Footnote#2)
>>>>>>
>>>>>> West Oakland Specific Plan – One Part of Capital/State’s Total
Plan
>>>>>>
>>>>>>
>>>>>> “Opportunity Sites”
>>>>>>
>>>>>> We find ourselves in a city that’s clearly at the crosshairs of
the system’s plans for intentional development and displacement: highly concentrated
capital in the Bay Area and projections of millions of jobs being created in the next 10
years; a strategic plan by city politicians across the Bay to house these new high wage
workers within its multiple cities; and the ongoing displacement of low wage workers and
unemployed people. This is the situation Oakland Mayor Jean Quan references when she
states that she’s seeking to bring in 10,000 new residents to Oakland while saying nothing
about keeping long term residents and working class people in Oakland.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> The city of Oakland has developed a number of “Specific Plans”
for the Coliseum, Lake Merritt and West Oakland in order to smoothly facilitate and
attract investment by retail and tech companies, develop new housing units, and
restructure the local transportation systems. The West Oakland Specific Plan, WOSP (really
Jean Quan?!), is one local example of the city’s plan for carrying out this program of
urban capitalist development (footnote #3).
>>>>>>
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Emeryville part 2?
>>>>>>
>>>>>> The West Oakland Specific Plan is the City of Oakland’s plan to
help developers and incoming high wage populations (both different types of gentrifiers –
see footnote #4) speed up the accumulation of capital in Oakland. It essentially acts as a
one stop shop for financial and retail capitalists to invest in West Oakland without
having to go through the “nuisance” of making Environmental Impact Reports – EIRs – or
dealing with zoning regulations. Instead of having new developments require zoning, and
environmental impact regulations, the WOSP does it all for them and therefore saves money
for the developers, retail chains, and financial interests seeking to build in and make
massive profits in West Oakland. It is the state facilitating the accumulation of capital
and dispossessing long term, and historically black, residents in the process by bringing
in new investment that will increase property values while doing nothing to keep rents for
existing residents from going up.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> The WOSP highlights four “Opportunity Sites” as the specific
areas of West Oakland to be developed. The Four areas are the Mandela/West Grand area, the
San Pablo corridor, the area around the BART station on 7th Street and the area next to
the Port of Oakland around 3rd Street. These “Opportunity Sites” are determined to be the
specific places where transit, new housing, light industrial and retail outlets will be
developed.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> In order to “revitalize” these areas, the architects of WOSP have
identified various barriers to development such as “graffiti,” “homeless encampments,”
“crime of all types,” and “blight.” In the eyes of the architects of WOSP, once the
barriers to development are gone there will be a flourishing of “new growth.”
>>>>>>
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Right . . .
>>>>>>
>>>>>> What does this growth look like? A glance at the video
accompanying the presentation of the WOSP to the Oakland Planning Commission featured the
familiar architecture and spatial layout of Emeryville mixed in with your typical Whole
Foods store. The development that’s presented is about attracting an influx of capital
investment – retail, industrial, and high wage residents – and transforming West Oakland
into a center of commerce for a new set of residents. New growth is about raising property
values and attracting new residents and businesses, not improving the situations of those
who already live there.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> But the planners who put WOSP together would disagree. They are
quick to point out that they have “Chapter 9,” a section of the report that addresses
equity and social justice issues. This is where they explicitly state that they hope to
mitigate the “impact of neighborhood change and displacement on longstanding residents and
businesses” (WOSP 9-1.) However, what one finds in Chapter 9 is little more than an
inventory of existing city agencies and non-profit organizations that provide services to
working class people. Rather than focusing on the needs of long-term and working class
residents, WOSP is re-writing the rules for developers and financial capital to ease their
access the city by re-writing the zoning regulations and providing them with a
pre-packaged Environmental Impact Report. All that’s provided to working class people and
renters in West Oakland is a list of the declining base of social service programs that
already exist.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Strategic Orientations for Fighting WOSP
>>>>>>
>>>>>> We seek the defeat of the WOSP in all its forms. Given the
multiple challenges facing West Oakland, the burgeoning national and international debates
around the hyper-gentrification of the Bay Area, and the ways in which the West Oakland
Specific Plan is being promoted, we recognize the urgent need for a radical critique and
effective action against gentrification and displacement. However, given these
circumstances, we also recognize that simply being “anti-development” is not the most
effective strategy, nor is it adequate to addressing the structural and conjunctural
problems in West Oakland that have both shaped adverse conditions for local residents and
made it a ripe ground for gentrification.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Our orientation towards this struggle is built around the
following core strategic goals:
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Reframing the Discussion About Development: We want to re-frame
the discussion about gentrification and improvements to neighborhoods. The city and
investors want to convince us that they know what’s best for West Oakland, and that they
can make the type of improvements that residents really want. The truth is that West
Oakland has been devastated by decades of economic and racial exclusion – for instance,
the creation of the West Oakland BART station destroyed 7th Street as a center of culture,
black owned businesses, and centralized location for community interaction; the 980
freeway cut off West Oakland from downtown so that white city officials could distance
themselves from black “blighted” neighborhoods in the 1970s; the creation of the Post
Office on 7th street bulldozed three blocks of residential housing with no relocation
support for residents.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Residents have real desires and needs for their community to be
better served, and “no improvement” is not a viable option as an alternative to
gentrification. However, though we do want improvements, we don’t want the type of
“improvements” that the city and its developer allies seek to impose on us. The
development plans of the city and capitalist real estate developers are NOT the way to
create safer, more vibrant, and economically dynamic neighborhoods. (Footnote #5)
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Gentrification as a Question of Power: Many people in West
Oakland want development, so the question isn’t so much do we want improvements or not.
The question should be: who gets to benefit and make use of the developments? Is it going
to be long term black, latino residents and working class people, or middle class, often
white, newcomers who landlords and developers cater to in order to accumulate high rents.
Long term residents want development like well serviced and fully funded schools and
parks, fixed roads, improved plumbing, clean air, and access to affordable healthy foods,
while developers want development that looks like biotech campuses, an increased police
presence, and cafes that sell expensive coffee. Some of the questions we seek to put out
there are: On whose terms will urban development proceed? Who decides what is implemented
and where? Who benefits from urban development?
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Community Control over Community Development: If gentrification
and urban development is an issue of power, therefore, we argue that the only way towards
a positive outcome in West Oakland is for the people themselves to take control of the
redevelopment process. ‘Community input’ in an otherwise top-down, technocratic planning
process has proven to be a useless endeavor – mere lip service to inclusivity and equity.
The real needs of the poor, black and brown and working-class communities in West Oakland
have either been ignored, or worse, twisted and used to justify the aggressive neoliberal
development strategies put forward by WOSP. By invoking the classic Black Panther slogan
of ‘community control,’ we are also recognizing the need for a strategy that is locally
rooted in Oakland’s Black proletarian constituency and its historical memory of struggle;
one that emphasizes and prioritizes the material needs and political empowerment of the
most oppressed sectors of urban society. (Footnote #6)
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Our on-the-ground strategy is to mobilize activists and community
members on two fronts:
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Kill the WOSP: We seek to build a strong, vocal force of
opposition to the West Oakland Specific Plan by staging interventions at all city planning
meetings, developing and presenting a clear and coherent critique of the Plan at every
point in the approval process. The mass displacement and “hyper-gentrification” of San
Francisco has given us the opportunity to show what this new mode of urban development
looks like, and why it must be stopped: “West Oakland Will NOT Be the Next San Francisco!”
The immediate goal is to defeat or delay the final vote on WOSP’s Draft Plan and EIR.
We’ve approached this goal thus far by organizing small, but vocal, interventions at the
presentation of the WOSP to the city Planning Commission and the Parks and Recreation
Commission.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> A People’s Plan for West Oakland: As an alternative to capitalist
visions of urban development, we plan to deeply engage communities in organization and
dialogue towards articulating their own vision of the kind of city they want to live and
work in. Inspired by urban struggles across the world, we are attempting to facilitate the
organization and empowerment of residents to create urban space themselves; to foster the
imagination and social power capable of asserting the power to shape the city according to
the needs, wants, and rhythms of their everyday lives. This is a longer-term community
planning process that will hopefully be realized in a radical, innovative, and concrete
strategy for West Oakland’s redevelopment. (Footnote #6)
>>>>>>
>>>>>> —————
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Footnotes:
>>>>>>
>>>>>> #1: All statistics and information in this paragraph drawn from
the “Bay Area Job Growth to 2040” document prepared for the Association of Bay Area
Governments –
http://www.onebayarea.org/pdf/3-9-12/CCSCE_Bay_Area_Job_Growth_to_2040.pdf
>>>>>>
>>>>>> #2: All information about Plan Bay Area taken from their “Draft
Forecast of Jobs, Population, and Housing” document –
http://onebayarea.org/pdf/Draft_Plan_Bay_Area/Draft_PBA_Forecast_of_Jobs_Po…
>>>>>>
>>>>>> #3: By “urban capitalist development” we refer to the ways in
which city policies and programs are directed toward the benefit of businesses that engage
in retail, financial, and real-estate growth. Cities in the Bay Area are strategic sites
for businesses to invest in because higher wage workers are moving here in order to work
at tech companies in Silicon Valley and San Francisco. This facilitates the creation of a
base of consumers who buy expensive commodities (coffee, clothes, condos, cupcakes, etc)
and pay higher rents. All of this helps businesses in the city generate flows of money,
which then provides the city with a higher sales tax and residential tax base, hence the
“urban” in capitalist development. The city deals with its declining budget from the state
by welcoming wealthier residents, rather than fighting banks, ports, developers and
corporations for higher tax rates that could fund services for working class people.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> #4: By “gentrifiers” we refer to three groups: a.) the capitalist
developers who flip houses, redevelop properties, build condos, and rent/sell their
properties to high waged workers and wealthy people; b.) the state bureaucrats such as
city planners and other planning agents who produce documents such as WOSP in order to
attract capital to the city, as well as passing racist laws and zoning regulations; and
c.) the individuals whose high wages allow them to pay higher rents and in an overall
sense benefit from redevelopment projects such as these. This third group, the individual
gentrifiers, is controversial because it is argued that these people do not accumulate
capital in the same way that private developers do. While this is true, we still refer to
them as gentrifiers because of the problematic role that they play once they move into a
neighborhood. Some issues associated with high wage workers moving into neighborhoods such
as West Oakland involve calling and collaborating with the police on a more frequent basis
than long-term residents and organizing private security firms to patrol neighborhoods.
Additionally, many of these “individual” gentrifiers also are/become petty-bourgeois
business owners of high priced organic food shops, cafes, and clothing boutiques. We
recognize the challenge of using gentrifier as a term because it encompasses such a wide
range of people and lacks specificity, while also seeing the value of its accessibility.
Throughout this essay we’ve attempted to refer to specific groups, but we still retain use
of gentrifier term because of its wide use.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> #5: We completely acknowledge that there are many different sets
of people who compose any community. Our understanding of the needs and desires of
residents comes from our experiences working alongside long-term residents, organizing
around housing issues, working with young people in the community, and researching the
WOSP and its background alongside people whose lives are directly affected by the plan.
Putting forward the “needs” of West Oakland as a whole is an ongoing project that many are
already engaged in and that we seek to support.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> #6: When we say “community control” and “people’s plan” we refer
to processes where working class and black/brown residents, unemployed people, and youth
put out their visions of how the community should be changed. Historically, terms like
“community” and “the people” have been used in ways that obscure and diminish class
differences within a given set of people, and have also been used in ways t
>>>>>>
>>>>
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